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On the edge of Kabukicho in Shinjuku, in an alley of illuminated signs in Hangul and Thai script, women in plain clothes stand. Their Japanese is broken, only the price negotiation fluent; tourist, migrant worker or resident, the outline is blurred to customer and woman alike. From East Asian to East European to South American, a steady proportion of “women who are not Japanese” has always existed in Japan’s red-light districts.

Gaikokujin fuzoku (外国人風俗) is the general term for sex work by foreign-national women in Japan’s sex-industry or quasi-sex-industry trades. It spans the large 1980s inflow of Filipina, Thai and Taiwanese women through the recent Chinese, Korean, East European and South American presence. As a part of the industry’s labour supply, it has appeared intermittently across its history. The exploitation issues bound up with it, trafficking, debt bondage and confiscated passports, are recorded here as a matter of fact and human-rights concern, neither sensationalised nor brokered.

Structure of the trade

The main types divide into fashion health, delivery health, street solicitation, and underground massage parlours. Filipina and Thai women flowed into health work in the 1980s to 1990s as a secondary channel from snack bars and Filipino pubs; recent Korean and Chinese workers centre on underground salons in Shin-Okubo, Kabukicho and Ikebukuro. East European and Russian women branched from Roppongi and Ginza clubs into escort work, with prices set higher than for Japanese workers.

The legal position is complex. Those permitted to work under residence statuses such as “entertainer”, “spouse of a Japanese national” or “permanent resident” may work lawfully, but working on a tourist or short-stay visa violates immigration law. Most enforcement cases concentrate on a structure in which brokers place women who entered on tourist visas into underground massage parlours and skim most of the pay, a pattern criticised as exploitative.

History

In the postwar periodisation, the first wave is the 1980s mass inflow of Filipina and Thai women. Around the 1990 peak, Filipina women entering on entertainer visas exceeded 80,000 a year, most flowing into snack bars, pubs and health. Alongside the formation of resident communities, Filipino pubs settled into the entertainment districts of Tokyo, Nagoya and Osaka.

The second wave was the late-1990s Chinese and Korean inflow. Against post-bubble stagnation and a shrinking domestic supply of workers, short-stay women came from northeastern China and provincial Korea. The underground salons of Shin-Okubo and Kabukicho, so-called “Chinese esthetic” and “Korean esthetic”, took shape in this period. At the same time the National Police Agency drew up an anti-trafficking action plan and tightened entertainer-visa screening.

The third wave from the 2000s was East European, South American and Central Asian, with travel notable from Russia, Ukraine, Romania and Colombia. Many worked in agency-mediated high-end escort or underground massage, with prices around double those of Japanese workers. The 2005 review of entertainer-visa operation sharply cut new Filipina inflow, and the industry’s labour supply shifted heavily into the era of matching apps, live chat and SNS.

Reception and social problems

For customers, the appeal centres on a look Japanese workers do not have, a quasi-liberation from the language barrier, and exoticism. Massage work generated its own register from “broken-Japanese conversation”; East European work as “a Western-woman experience”, Filipina work as “tanned, small Asian build”, each functioning as a separate market.

As a social problem, broker-mediated trafficking, passport confiscation and debt bondage have been objects of international criticism. The U.S. State Department’s Trafficking in Persons Report classed Japan as a watch-list country in the 2000s, and the 2004 entertainer-visa review was carried out under that pressure. Enforcement continues, and while foreign-national sex work has contracted sharply as an overt trade, it persists in an underground form.

See also

Updated

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References

  1. Nakamura Atsuhiko 『Seifuzoku Sangyō no Shakaigaku』 Keiso Shobo (2017)
  2. 『Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act』 Government of Japan (1951)
  3. 『Trafficking in Persons Report (Japan country narrative)』 U.S. Department of State (2004)

Also known as

  • migrant sex worker in Japan
  • foreign sex worker
  • ja: 外国人風俗
  • ja: 外国人嬢
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