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A room in a multi-tenant building in Kabukicho. On the panel handed over at reception are cast members registered as male at birth who live as women and serve clients. A store-based business, rare even worldwide, that places gender-crossing at the core of labour: this is Japan’s newhalf health. This article describes this business model, as an object of business research, in terms of its institutional history, labour environment, and the position of those involved.

Newhalf health (Japanese: ニューハーフヘルス) refers to a Japanese sex business in which transgender individuals registered as male at birth who live as women (in industry vocabulary, newhalf) serve clients. It is a business model distinctive to Japan, established mainly in Tokyo’s Kabukicho in the 1990s, and in business form both the store-based type (store-based sex-related special business) and the dispatch type (a store-less type akin to deriheru) coexist. This article treats the origin of the business, its store structure, its clientele, the correspondence with overseas transgender-escort businesses, the labour environment of those involved, and its relation to the discrimination surrounding transgender people.

Overview

Newhalf health is classified, in business form, like ordinary fashion health and deriheru, as a store-based or store-less sex-related special business under the Amusement Business Act. Its service content centres on oral sexual services and manual stimulation and other quasi-sexual contact, and it shares with other businesses the point that sexual intercourse (honban) is prohibited by law. The differentiating element of the business lies solely in the physical and social attribute of the cast, namely the single point that “the cast is a transgender woman.”

The independence of the business was established at the point in the late 1990s when “newhalf specialist establishments” came to be listed as an independent category in industry magazines and sex-industry information media. Before that, the dominant form was one in which sexual services were provided implicitly and incidentally, as an extension of the show-pub and snack-bar businesses of Shinjuku Ni-chome, Kabukicho, Osaka’s Minami, and elsewhere. Specialisation brought, along with the institutionalisation of the business, the full-time professionalisation of the cast’s labour form.

Rates are by industry custom set about 1.2 to 1.5 times higher than ordinary store-based health salons and deriheru, with an industry average said to be 20,000 to 35,000 yen per 60 minutes citation needed. As background to the price difference, factors are pointed to such as the absolute scarcity of the cast population, the passing-on of the cost of bodily modification (hormone therapy, gender-affirming surgery, and so on) into the wage for labour, and a market premium based on the rarity of the business.

Etymology and industry-vocabulary position

“Newhalf health” is a compound of the Japanese-English coinage “newhalf” and “health,” the industry abbreviation of “fashion health.” The formation of the business name is said to be in the early 1990s, but the accounts in industry magazines do not agree on the course of the naming, and attribution to a particular establishment or individual is not fixed citation needed.

As industry slang, derivative words such as “TS health” (the abbreviation of transsexual), “shemale health” (based on the English-derived shemale), and “half health” also exist, but as the standard name of the business “newhalf health” has settled. The English-language words shemale, newhalf, and ladyboy may be recognised as slurs in the context of the transgender movement, and parties’ organisations and human-rights organisations often take a critical stance on their use. In this article too, the words are used only in the context of describing the commercial sphere and the institutional history of the business.

History

Prehistory: Shinjuku Ni-chome, Asakusa, and the show-pub business (1950s–1980s)

In postwar Japan, communities centred on those born male who lived as women formed mainly in Tokyo’s Shinjuku Ni-chome, around the “Rock-za” of Asakusa, and in Osaka’s Kita and Naniwa wards. Junko Mitsuhashi’s The Historical Geography of Shinjuku, the ‘Sexual Town’ (Asahi Sensho, 2018) records the geographic history of Shinjuku Ni-chome and the formation of this community.

In the 1950s and 1960s, in the show-pubs, snack bars, and clubs of Ginza, Akasaka, and Shinjuku, performers serving as women were active, and the industry term “blue boy” circulated. The so-called “Blue Boy Incident” of 1964 (the case in which a doctor who performed gender-affirming surgery was prosecuted for violation of the Eugenic Protection Law) simultaneously showed the social visibility and legal tension of this sphere. In the 1970s and 1980s, figures such as Carousel Maki and Rumiko Matsubara gained media exposure, and the existence of those involved in the entertainment and nightlife spheres was widely recognised.

In this period, however, the provision of sexual services was not independent as a store-based business but existed implicitly and incidentally as an extension of show-pubs, snack bars, and clubs. Differentiation as a full-time sex business had to wait for the institutionalisation of the industry in the 1990s.

The establishment period: specialisation in Kabukicho (1990s)

By the 1985 revision of the Amusement Business Act (the change from the Business Affecting Public Morals Control Law to the “Act on Control and Improvement of Amusement Business”), the business categories of store-based sex-related special business were institutionally organised. In response, from the early 1990s, establishments explicitly displaying “newhalf specialist health” as a business name appeared, centred on Kabukicho in Tokyo.

Kabukicho was established as an accumulation area of the newhalf-health business owing to conditions such as its historical accumulation as a centre of the sex trade, its geographic proximity to Shinjuku Ni-chome, and the overlap of the community of those involved with the nightlife labour market. By the late 1990s, industry magazines such as Manzoku and Ore no Tabi put in place “newhalf-line” as an independent category, completing the institutionalisation of the business.

In the same period, specialist establishments developed in Osaka’s Minami (Namba, Dotonbori), Nagoya’s Nishiki-san, and Fukuoka’s Nakasu as well, and the business gained a nationwide spread. The absolute number of establishments, however, is on a scale far smaller than ordinary fashion health and deriheru, remaining at a scale of several dozen to a hundred establishments nationwide even from the 2000s onward citation needed.

The expansion period: the appearance of the dispatch type (2000s)

From the 2000s onward, in parallel with the store-less dispatch business deriheru becoming the industry mainstream, the newhalf-line business also shifted to the dispatch type. A store-less business called “newhalf deriheru” appeared, realising reduced store-operation costs, avoidance of geographic regulation, and a more flexible labour form for the cast.

The spread of the internet accelerated this trend. As an independent category on sex-information sites and booking systems, “newhalf / sex change” became permanently established, and user-side recognition of the business came into being at a nationwide level. From the 2010s onward, “mixed-roster establishments,” in which ordinary health salons and deriheru also kept newhalf cast, increased.

With the enactment in 2003 of the “Act on Special Cases in Handling Gender for Persons with Gender Identity Disorder” (the GID Special Act), a change of sex on the family register became possible under certain requirements. This also affected the legal status of the cast of the newhalf-health business. A cast member who changed her sex on the family register to female could operate her social identity as female with respect to her resident record, health insurance, and bank accounts, easing in part the disadvantages of the labour environment.

The “absence of reproductive function” required by the GID Special Act (a provision in effect requiring gender-affirming surgery), however, was found unconstitutional in a 2023 Supreme Court judgment, and the legal and social status of those involved remains fluid. The labour environment of the business continues to change in tandem with these developments in the legal system.

Store structure and service form

The store structure of a newhalf-health specialist establishment follows that of an ordinary store-based fashion health. It is equipped with a reception, a waiting area, and several private rooms (with shower facilities); on arrival, the client either nominates a cast member from a panel (a list of cast photos) or has one assigned by the establishment. For a set time (40–90 minutes), the client receives sexual services in a private room.

The service content centres on oral sexual services (fellatio), manual stimulation, and mutual caressing and other quasi-sexual contact. As a feature peculiar to the business, options such as “reverse anal” and “reverse fellatio,” in which the cast actively takes the penetrating role, circulate as industry terms. These constitute a differentiating element of the business as services available where the cast retains the male genitalia. Whether they are provided, however, differs greatly according to the cast’s physical state (the progress of hormone therapy and gender-affirming surgery), the person’s own will, and the establishment’s policy.

In the case of the dispatch type (newhalf deriheru), the cast is dispatched to a love hotel, business hotel, or home designated by the client, providing the service without going through a store. The service content is equivalent to the store-based type, and the difference in business form remains a difference in the store-operation structure.

Clientele

According to the descriptions of industry magazines and business research, several types are observed in the clientele of newhalf health citation needed.

The first is a clientele with a sexual orientation toward or interest in transgender women, which constitutes the core demand of the business. The second is a clientele with experience of using ordinary health salons and deriheru who visit seeking the rarity and specialness of the business. The third is a clientele who use the business as part of a process of exploring their own gender and sexuality; this stratum includes self-identified cisgender men, bisexuals, and people of various other sexual orientations.

The business is operated on the premise of the existence of this diverse clientele, and it is industry custom that the handling, conversation, and flow of service at the first meeting with the cast are flexibly designed in light of the client’s orientation, experience, and expectations.

Correspondence with overseas transgender-escort businesses

In English-language media, businesses in which trans women provide sexual services are described with words such as transgender escort, trans escort, and shemale escort. Such businesses are observed in the United States (New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and so on), Brazil (the travesti culture of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo), Thailand (the kathoey, industry slang ladyboy, of Bangkok, Pattaya, and so on), the Philippines, and elsewhere.

There are, however, important differences in business form between these overseas businesses and Japan’s newhalf health. First, Japan’s newhalf health is institutionalised, in both its store-based and dispatch types, as a business category under the Amusement Business Act, whereas the businesses of the US, Thailand, and so on are on an extension of the individual escort, with limited institutionalisation as a store-based business. Second, Japan’s business takes as its fiction quasi-sexual services not involving intercourse, differing in service content from overseas escort businesses (which often include intercourse). Third, Japan’s business has developed information infrastructure such as industry magazines, sex-information sites, and booking systems, with a high degree of business visibility and standardisation.

These differences are the basis for positioning Japan’s newhalf health as a “transgender-line sex business that is store-based and institutionalised, rare even worldwide.” Comparative gender research by Mitsuhashi, McLelland, and others discusses the institutional particularity of Japan’s business from both the institutional history of the postwar Japanese sex trade and the cultural positioning surrounding transgender people.

The labour environment of those involved

The cast of the newhalf-health business constitutes, even among transgender women, a group occupying a particular socioeconomic position. Industry-journalism works such as Atsuhiko Nakamura’s The Sex Workers of Japan (Shincho Shinsho, 2014) record the realities of this labour environment.

As characteristic challenges of the labour environment, the following are pointed to. First, the uneven distribution of employment opportunity. Transgender women tend to be constrained in employment in the general labour market for reasons such as the divergence between the family-register sex and the outward gender expression, transgender discrimination on the employer side, and the medical cost of gender-affirming surgery. The sex and nightlife trades function as a complementary place of employment, but the very fact that the range of employment options is limited indicates the vulnerability of the social position of those involved.

Second, the relation to medical cost. Bodily modification such as hormone therapy (about 10,000–30,000 yen a month), gender-affirming surgery (on a scale of several million yen), and plastic-surgical procedures requires high medical expenses as private treatment. The higher wage level of the sex trade has an aspect of functioning as the economic foundation supporting the self-payment of these medical expenses.

Third, social-security and labour-law challenges. Like the sex trade in general, the cast of newhalf health is often treated as a sole proprietor, with limited application of social security such as employment insurance, workers’ compensation, and health insurance. Coverage for the medical needs peculiar to transgender people (continuous prescription of hormone therapy, post-operative follow-up, and so on) is still in the course of social development.

Fourth, the risk in the relation with clients. Violence and discrimination against transgender women (transgender violence) is a grave human-rights issue worldwide, and the cast of the business is also placed under its influence. Verbal abuse, violence, and breach of contract from clients based on transphobia are referred to within the industry as risks peculiar to the business citation needed.

These challenges give the basis for positioning the newhalf-health business not merely as one business of the sex trade but as the crossing-point of the compound challenges of the labour environment, social security, and human rights of transgender people.

Relation to transgender discrimination

The existence of the newhalf-health business is closely related to the structure of social discrimination surrounding transgender people. First, the very existence of the business has, as its background, the uneven distribution of employment opportunity for those involved, reflecting the narrowness of their economic options. Second, the commodification of the bodily representation of those involved in the business (a body retaining the male genitalia while having a feminine appearance) has an aspect of reproducing the fixed representation of “trans woman = sexual other,” and is an object of the critical viewpoint of the movement of those involved.

Recent transgender-rights movements and parties’ organisations raise the following points regarding the representation of those involved in commercial spheres including newhalf health. The invisibilisation of the diversity of those involved: the representation in the commercial sphere emphasises a limited image of the trans woman as a sexual-service provider, with the effect of making invisible those involved who are active in the medical, educational, artistic, administrative, and scientific-technical spheres. The stratification among those involved: the stratification among those involved by the presence or absence of gender-affirming surgery, the progress of bodily modification, and “passing” is reinforced by the representation in the commercial sphere. And the problem of self-determination: where employment in the business is based on the constraint of economic options, the limit of calling that “self-determination” is pointed out.

Shon Faye’s The Transgender Issue (2021) gives, though in the English-language context, a systematic discussion of the crossing-point of the labour, sex industry, and social security of transgender people, providing a theoretical reference point in considering Japan’s newhalf-health business.

It should be noted that among the cast of the business there are also those who actively and affirmatively choose the business and position it as a place of labour and self-realisation. Respecting the diversity of the choices of those involved while separately describing the structural challenges is the viewpoint required in the social description of the business.

Cultural references

The newhalf-health business has been continuously, if to a limited degree, taken up as an object of industry magazines, weekly magazines, and sociological research. The industry-journalism works of Nakamura and others describe the business within the context of the sex trade in general. Mitsuhashi’s research on the cultural history of cross-dressing (Joso to Nihonjin and others) positions the business as an extension of the cultural history of those involved and discusses it from the viewpoint of gender studies.

In the field of adult works (AV), works set in newhalf health were established as an independent genre from the 2000s onward. Production as commercial works contributes to the social visibility of the business, while it also raises the challenge of the objectifying representation of the bodies and labour of those involved. In the field of fiction such as manga and novels, there are scattered examples of the newhalf-health business appearing as a background setting within works set in Shinjuku and Kabukicho. The accumulation of literary and film works taking the business as a central subject is, however, still limited, owing to the shallowness of the history of the business and the limited nature of its social visibility.

See also

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References

  1. Junko Mitsuhashi 『Josо and the Japanese (Joso to Nihonjin)』 Kodansha Gendai Shinsho (2008) — A cultural history of cross-dressing in modern Japan and the discourse of those involved
  2. Junko Mitsuhashi 『The Historical Geography of Shinjuku, the 'Sexual Town'』 Asahi Sensho (2018)
  3. Atsuhiko Nakamura 『The Sex Workers of Japan (Nihon no Fuzoku-jo)』 Shincho Shinsho (2014) — Labour realities and industry history by business type, with reference to the newhalf business
  4. McLelland, Mark 『Queer Japan from the Pacific War to the Internet Age』 Rowman & Littlefield (2005)
  5. Faye, Shon 『The Transgender Issue』 Allen Lane (2021)

Also known as

  • newhalf health
  • transgender escort
  • TS health
  • shemale health
  • ja: ニューハーフヘルス
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